By Peter A. Chew
This dissertation offers a coherent, synchronic, broad-coverage, generative phonology of Russian. I try the grammar empirically in a few how one can ensure its goodness of healthy to Russian. In taking this method, I target to prevent making untested (or even incoherent) generalizations in accordance with just a handful of examples. more often than not, the exams exhibit that there are exceptions to the idea, yet not less than we all know what the exceptions are, a baseline is determined opposed to which destiny theories may be measured, and as a rule the share of remarkable instances is diminished to under 5%. The central theoretical results of the paintings are as follows. First, I exhibit that every one of the phonological or morphophonological methods reviewed will be defined via a grammar not more strong than context-free. Secondly, i take advantage of probabilistic constraints within the syllable constitution grammar to provide an explanation for why constraints on word-marginal onsets and codas are weaker than on word-internal onsets and codas. I argue that the beneficial properties [+/- preliminary] and [+/- final], and extraprosodicity, are pointless for this function.
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Extra resources for A Computational Phonology of Russian
Itô correctly states that this principle can be encoded in a number of ways: for example, the implementation of this principle in a rule-based approach was shown in (5) above. The rule as stated in the template-approach, on the other hand, is as follows: ‘the sequence CV must belong to a single syllable’ (op. , p. 165). C1C2V parsings occur in natural languages. -%! bra (Kahn 1976: 138): both examples contain a sequence consisting of a voiced stop followed by a liquid, but the English example syllabifies this sequence as an onset and the Icelandic one syllabifies it as a coda followed by an onset.
D<#<&! #<9 He suggests the latter6. The SSG would certainly be of more phonological interest if it turned out that Clements was right, and a major challenge for a computational phonology of Russian is to find out whether the SSG can be implemented as a ‘firm’ principle. It has been my experience, however, that explaining away all the ‘exceptions’ is extremely hard. One approach may be to acknowledge, as Clements (1990: 290) does, that ‘a hard core of irreducible exceptions will [always] remain’, but this clearly weakens the force of the SSG.
He suggests the latter6. The SSG would certainly be of more phonological interest if it turned out that Clements was right, and a major challenge for a computational phonology of Russian is to find out whether the SSG can be implemented as a ‘firm’ principle. It has been my experience, however, that explaining away all the ‘exceptions’ is extremely hard. One approach may be to acknowledge, as Clements (1990: 290) does, that ‘a hard core of irreducible exceptions will [always] remain’, but this clearly weakens the force of the SSG.