By Anastasios Karasavvoglou, Persefoni Polychronidou
The area is altering speedily. the worldwide monetary drawback has referred to as into query the political judgements which were made through all international locations for many years and has ended in a re-formulation of instruments and goals. alterations to the recent state of affairs are valuable and entail substantial fiscal and social expenses. The Balkan and Black Sea zone is a crucial reference element for the eu and worldwide economic system. hence, the learn of the industrial improvement within the zone is of serious curiosity, attractive politicians and scientists alike. lower than this framework, the problem of the relation among the area’s nations and the E.U., the position of the banking procedure and the significance of the first area of the financial system as a huge developmental issue for the nations’ economies are of significant importance.
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Extra resources for Balkan and Eastern European Countries in the Midst of the Global Economic Crisis
Axiolo´gZsZ kai su gkrisZ [The Dayton and Ohrid agreements as models to resolve ethnic conflicts.
The most important problems of Albania are the huge informal economy and the lack of energy and transportation infrastructure. The basic economic activity seems to be agriculture as it occupies more than half of the population but surprising represents only the one-fifth of GDP. In addition, the economy is based a lot on remittances from abroad. The global crisis has severely affected growth in Albania decreasing from the 6% during 2004–2008 to a 3% in 2009–2010. Bulgaria. Bulgaria is one of the oldest countries in Europe in the heart of the Balkan Peninsula that participated in the Eastern Bloc1 until 1989.
During this period, Consociational Democracy appears to be a good approach to the solution of this very complicated problem in the former Yugoslavia, since it answers the key question of how to restore social cohesion in an area suffering so many wounds by armed conflicts, and therefore the territorial integrity of both countries to be achieved. Lijphart’s model of consociational democracy seems to be similar to the Socialist self-management model, which had been implemented after 1960, in Yugoslavia (see Table 1).